insight the Egyptian Uprising For Democracy, article From the Ground

Cheek Law Offices - insight the Egyptian Uprising For Democracy, article From the Ground

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January 25 witnessed total street protests in Egypt. 90,000 Egyptians came out in seven main squares in Cairo while tens of thousands more came out in Alexandria, Mahalla, Suez, and some other Egyptian cities. The protests continue today in uptown Cairo as I write.

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The beloved uprising was first proposed on Facebook via the "We are all Khaled Said" page, a group with more than 400,000 members dedicated to the memory of Khaled Said, a young Egyptian activist from Alexandria who was brutally tortured and fatally beaten into a pulp by local police last year.

17 opposition groups, as well as a estimate of important intellectuals and celebrities officially endorsed and joined the uprising. The Muslim Brotherhood did not officially endorse the protests though members likely joined in their individual capacities.

Demands of the January 25 Uprising

After decades of autocratic rule, state propaganda, institutionalized government corruption, police brutality, and suppression of basic freedoms, frustrated Egyptians are taking to the streets seeking change and demanding democracy, dignity, and civic reforms.

The uprising made the following definite demands:

- An growth of minimum wages in Egypt to 1200Le (Us 0)

- An end to the special urgency laws

- An end to police brutality and the withdrawal of the clergyman of interior

- A two term presidency (never elected by the people, Mubarak has been in power for over 30 years)

- Free and transparent elections

- A government that represents the people, respects its citizenry and acts as a caretaker, not usurper, of Egyptian civil rights.

Government Response: defiance, violence, and attempts at sabotage

The uprising was organized and carried out by commonplace Egyptians from every walk of life as a non-partisan, non-ideological, peaceful push for reform. Yet the large estimate of protesters who at first were allowed to gain and chant with minimal police harassment were soon met with unprovoked violence by the heavy droves of heavily armed security forces. Water hoses, more than 60 cannons of tear gas, rubber bullets, and even live ammunition agreeing to some reports, were unleashed later in the day to disperse the crowds who had vowed an overnight sit-in at Cairo's main uptown square, Tahrir Square.

Yesterday the government shut down Twitter. It disabled the country's main three movable networks in the uptown area where the protests were taking place to stifle communication between protesters. Today, it shutdown Facebook. There has been limited objection from the Us (more on that later).

From the state controlled media side, the response was equally predictable. For the most part Egyptian media tried hard to turn a blind eye to the protests in order to minimize their sway on audiences. Egyptian radio, Tv, and satellite dished out the usual diet of football, music, soap operas, and game shows, steering well away from any reports or determination of the uprising. This morning's newspaper headlines were also as predictable: the government blamed the uprising on its beloved arch-nemesis the Muslim Brotherhood (who neither organized nor endorsed the protests) and then dismissed the calls for reform as arrival from "a bunch of clueless kids" (Muslim Brotherhood or clueless kids?)

View from the Streets

The thousands of mostly educated protesters seemed anyone but a bunch of clueless kids. Virtually every segment of Egyptian life was represented: young and old, professionals and laborers, men and women, religious and secular, Muslim and Christian.

At its zenith, Cairo's uptown protests reached 60,000 people. It began with a few thousand who were later reinforced by thousands more arrival out of side streets and crossing bridges over the Nile. Despite the peaceful and civil nature of the protests that chanted the Egyptian anthem and slogans demanding democratic reforms, things started to get ugly.

Policemen in plain clothes and hired thugs were dispersed into the crowds to instigate chaos. They beat up protesters with sticks and chains while the security soldiery fired tear gas cannons, rubber bullets, and opened water hoses. Over the next few hours, much of the crowds dispersed. A few of the younger protesters responded by throwing rocks, burning police cars in at least two instances, and scuffling with soldiers.

Government propaganda claims that the protesters were agitators. This eyewitness account shows unarmed protesters being ganged up on by club-wielding security forces
The few thousand protesters who remained defiant took to the side streets and prolonged their chants while the experienced riot police finished off all the exits to the main roads. As we marched straight through the narrow streets of Souk el Balah and Sabteya, the chanting crowds urged people to come down and join. Despite the 3:00Am time, many did, with others applauding the marching crowd from their windows and balconies.

Women played important roles in the protests; one could often hear a high-pitched voice chanting slogans followed by the crowds roaring the slogans back. "Egyptians come down now, march for your rights," "Mubarak, adequate is enough, resign now," "No to dictatorship, yes to democracy," "We quiz, respect and dignity," "We are Egypt, we will not remain silent anymore," went some of the chants.

As we came up to a major security blockade with hundreds of lined-up soldiers in riot gear, the crowd came to a halt and deliberated which way to go. I decided to walk over to the police to have a chat. I asked the head police officer, rather tongue-in-cheek, "why are you blocking our way?" He ignored me and walked in the other direction while soldiers surrounded me and pushed me around. "This is a peaceful protest," I said, "it is the right of our citizens to express their demands peacefully on the streets when there is no other way," I said to no avail. I sensed I had to walk back to the crowds before the soldiers got overly excited and let their fist and batons speak the only language they knew.

A few minutes after I had walked back, the files of soldiers started to march towards us, yelling a loud and coordinated "Hoo Haa" that echoed into the night. A few steps later, they begin to fire tear gas and rubber bullets. We ran down the street trying to avert the popping sounds by our feet and the smoke. I had two close shaves.

The significance of January 25

The January 25 uprising constituted the singular largest day of beloved uprising in Egypt in the 30 years of Mubarak's dictatorship. It showed that the people have a voice that can be directly expressed at a grassroots level without outside intervention. In the past, protests depended on a handful of strongmen for society and guidance. It showed the government that Egyptians were ultimately willing to break the decades-long silence and fear, to take risks, and make sacrifices in order to claim what is rightfully theirs: a fighting opportunity at a dignified future.

Four people died and close to 100 were injured. The hope is that their sacrifices are not lost on the rest of Egyptians who need to keep the momentum pushing for an end to corruption and the dawn of a new day.

The Way Forward

Egyptians must identify that while revolution may be obtained from the streets, true persisting reform never is. For that to happen, all Egyptians, government and people, must feel a serious paradigm shift in the local political culture. It must be recognized that true reform is more about processes than personalities. Egyptians must move away from the personality cult, studying to accept that no singular someone is the question and no singular someone is the solution, that exchanging one autocratic leader for another, or one autocratic party for an additional one does nothing for the cause of free time and reform. We must identify that we are all part of the question and we are all part of the solution. For true reform to happen, Egyptians must change the system itself to ensure the following:

- Constitutional reform that is entrusted to a fully independent consummate court whose judgment is binding

- A true democratic multi-party system with free, transparent elections

- The faultless independence of the parliament and the judiciary from the executive branch

- The supremacy of the rule of law

- Fair and equal treatment of all citizens regardless of faith, gender, class, or ethnicity

- A merit-based open free market of goods, services, and ideas

- The end of exceptionalism, nepotism, and cronyism

For Egyptian protests to succeed, the following should be observed:

- They must remain peaceful, non-ideological, non-partisan

- They must remain open and inclusive of all Egyptians from all walks of life

- They must remain hopeful with a focus on the future, on a fresh vision, and not vengeful with a focus on the past

- They must remain focused objectively on the key demands for democracy and reform and not on a coup or a power grab or plainly venting anger

- They must galvanize wider audiences by tapping into the existing organized bodies like the actors guild (who would give good exposure and publicity) the football ultras (who would give great manpower) and the Friday prayers (that would help with logistics since large numbers are already gathered)

Between a nightmare and a Dream

I spoke to an old man who works on a school bus by day and a taxi by night 7 days a week. Spend one hour in Cairo's greatest traffic and you get a hint of how much this man suffers. What does he get in return? Less than 0 per month to feed his family of seven. I spoke to young men who have been finding for jobs for over six years, despite working hard to gain their degrees.

Egyptians anywhere complain from the overbearing bureaucracy, the double standards that differentiate between the well-connected and the not-so-well-connected. Wages remain the same while prices, especially food, continue to sky rocket.

Businessmen connected to the government gain land for "pennies," they build apartment complexes where a singular unit could midpoint 1 million L.E. They make hundreds of millions while an expanding estimate of Egyptians live in squalid conditions unable to afford the basic costs of living.

Egyptians feel that their government has only one goal: to voice power. It spends all its resources working towards that goal while neglecting planning and governance that advantage the people.

In the last parliamentary elections which were intensely rigged, the government's ruling party supposedly won a whopping 97% of seats, despite the nearnessy of a salutary and beloved opposition.

And yet Egyptians remain hopeful.

"We believe in ourselves, we believe in Egypt. This government thinks it owns us, it thinks it owns the country. It does not. They are just rogue employees. We will have a government that truly represents the people, that truly answers to us, and when we do we will rise again," said Nabil, an engineer.

"We dream of a day when we can invest our vigor trying to reach our inherent in science, the arts, sports, and culture, and not trying to fight oppression and plainly survive. Egyptians know what we are capable of, we just want a opportunity to prove it to ourselves and to the world. We won't rest until we see that day," said Maryam, a protester.

Egyptians, it seems, just want to be competitors in the family of democratic nations.

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